Stagflation Part 18: Philippine Banks as Shock Absorber — Record Lending, Record Bonds, Record Hiding Places

 

  

But the boom cannot continue indefinitely. There are two alternatives. Either the banks continue the credit expansion without restriction and thus cause constantly mounting price increases and an ever-growing orgy of speculation, which, as in all other cases of unlimited inflation, ends in a “crack-up boom” and in a collapse of the money and credit system. Or the banks stop before this point is reached, voluntarily renounce further credit expansion and thus bring about the crisis. The depression follows in both instances—Ludwig von Mises 

In this issue: 

Stagflation Part 18: Philippine Banks as Shock Absorber — Record Lending, Record Bonds, Record Hiding Places

I. Introduction: Three Shocks, One Balance Sheet

II. The Seen: Record Bank Lending, Bailout Edition

III. The Unseen: Financial Wile E. Coyote Keeps Running

IV. Who Funds the Sovereign? Borrowed Money, Held to Maturity

V. The Wall: Corporate Maturities Join the Queue

VI. Whac-a-Mole: Every Fix Has a Forwarding Address

VII. The Bank–Sovereign Doom Loop: Who Rescues the Rescuers?

VIII. Conclusion: When the Coyote Looks Down 

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Stagflation Part 18: Philippine Banks as Shock Absorber — Record Lending, Record Bonds, Record Hiding Places 

How policy relief, sovereign borrowing, and hidden balance-sheet losses turn banks into shock absorbers—and shift the cost of each rescue to the next balance sheet. 

I. Introduction: Three Shocks, One Balance Sheet 

Every shock since 2020 has had the same first responder: the banking system. Every bailout has had the same last bearer: the banking system. In between sits the sovereign, whose paper the banks keep buying. 

Underneath runs the same operating framework: free-lunch politics rewards spending now and sends the bill later. Spending outruns real savings; the gap is financed through domestic and external credit, central-bank accommodation, and the printing press. Monetary aggregates duly celebrate. The underlying scarcity of real resources, meanwhile, receives no such memo. 

Following the Keynesian dogma that spending drives GDP, the political class gets its preferred scorecard: expenditure goes up, and measured output may follow. 

But debt-financed spending is not synonymous with sustainable production. Borrowing can pull expenditure forward; it cannot, by itself, manufacture the real savings and complementary capital needed to sustain production. GDP records the expenditure. The liabilities remain on the balance sheet. 

Emergencies amplify this dynamic. 

A banking system cannot manufacture real savings simply by creating money. It can create deposits and extend credit, generating claims on future income. Those claims then accumulate across the economy, and the banks become warehouses for a growing web of financial promises. 

The magnification began with the pandemic rescue: historic BSP injections of Php 2.3 trillion, an unprecedented combination of interest-rate and reserve-requirement ratio (RRR) cuts, regulatory relief, fiscal deficits, and a USD/PHP regime operating under an implicit Php 59 (soft peg) ceiling. 

The 2022 oil shock arrived on top of that liquidity. 

Now comes the second oil shock of 2026, catalyzed by the Iran/Middle East conflict, but into an economy carrying a very different set of vulnerabilities: record public debt, eight months of twin deficits, weaker GDP growth, a return to 7.2% inflation, sharply lower gross international reserves (GIR), and a bond market beginning to reprice sovereign risk. 

The rescue capacity that absorbed the earlier shocks has itself become part of the balance sheet. 

This is the operating environment behind EO 110, BSP relief, and the current foreign-exchange regime. The Php 61.75 soft ceiling has given way to a wider operating range of Php 62.465–Php 62.86, before the peso breached Php 63. 

In summary:

• The first rescue created the liquidity.
• The second shock tested it.
• The third arrives after the balance sheets have accumulated the consequences.

The bill now travels through a system whose capacity to absorb it can no longer be taken for granted. And the banks remain central to that transmission. 

Consider EO 110. When a price is held below the level required to clear a market under prevailing conditions, the gap does not vanish. Someone must absorb it. The power producer or transport operator may initially bear the shortfall; bank credit can finance the resulting cash-flow gap; subsidies or other government support may shift part of the burden to the sovereign. Depending on the contractual and institutional arrangements, losses can migrate from one balance sheet to another. 

That is balance-sheet transfer. Bank credit is one of its shadows in the ledger. 

This week's market tape put a price on the accumulated pressures.

Figure 1

In a follow-up to our latest outlook, Whac-a-Mole Economics: The Week the Philippine Financial Markets Cracked, the USD/PHP printed its 27th record low of the year, breaking through 63 to close at 63.06 on October 15, before ending the week slightly lower at 62.985—still a record on a weekly basis. 

The 10-year BVAL yield, after reaching 8.1115% on October 8, eased to 8.0184% at the week's close. That reprieve did little to erase the broader repricing: the yield remained above the May 2026 and November 2022 highs cited in our market comparison. The 20- and 25-year yields closed at multiyear highs of 8.3856% and 8.3846%, respectively. (Figure 1, topmost pane) 

Equities offered a different surface impression. The PSEi skidded toward 5,600, hit by ICTSI's 6.89% plunge on October 14. But gains concentrated in the top 5 heavyweight stocks, led by ICT during the final two sessions, subsequently lifted the index by 1.43% for the week, recovering earlier losses. 

For a short follow-up to last week's article, see this week's account of the splenetic Philippine markets in my Substack note, Another Whac-a-Mole Week: Three Markets, One Signal—Escalating Financial Stress. 

Still, the peso, bonds, and PSEi remain under stress. Three markets, one signal. 

They were not merely reacting to three separate stories. They were repricing claims and risks across three interconnected balance-sheet domains: the government's, the banks', and the conglomerates'. 

• The peso prices the external constraint.
• Equities price claims on private businesses.
• Sovereign yields price the terms on which the government can finance itself—and provide a benchmark that feeds into financing conditions across the economy.
• The banks sit in the middle, holding claims on the other two while depending on their own funding conditions, asset valuations, and borrowers' capacity to pay. 

This installment reads the middle balance sheet. We turn to the August banking data to examine how the transfer manifests itself in lending, asset allocation, and the accumulation of financial claims. 

II. The Seen: Record Bank Lending, Bailout Edition 

The news headline writes itself: total loan portfolio (TLP) hit a record Php 17.783 trillion in August, up 13.21% year-on-year. Production loans accelerated for a third consecutive month, reaching 10.57%. 

Now look at who borrowed more. (Figure 1, middle image) 

• Electricity, gas, and steam: +27.03% YoY, accelerating from 24.36% in July. Share of the loan book: 14.1%.
• Administrative and support services: +20.91%, up from 15.14% in July.
• Financials: +9.04%, up from 5.36%.
• Mining: +54.54%, up from 51.4%.
• Trade: +10.52%, up from 8.76%. 

And those whose borrowing growth slowed: 

• Manufacturing: +6.07%, decelerating from 7.2%—ironically, amid a chip-export boom.
• Real estate: +4.52%, down from 5.55%.
• Consumer loans: +16.19%, down from 17.07%. Credit-card growth was 23.34%, slowing for the fifth consecutive month; auto loans grew 5.83% from 6.97% in July. 

The headline is record lending. The more revealing story is its composition. 

The surge is concentrated in sectors where intervention, regulatory arrangements, or financing pressures has been shaping capital allocation. 

Start with electricity. 

The SMC-AEV-MER and Prime Infra-FGEN consolidations, the suspension of real-property taxes (RPT), the GEA-ALL transition layered on top of FIT-ALL, and an ERC that returns what it takes in one ruling and recovers it in the next. For instance, it orders Meralco to refund consumers in one ruling while approving increases in generation charges in another 

These forms part of the institutional landscape we've examined in previous installments in 2025 (see references below). 

The contradiction is hard to miss: regulate prices, redistribute costs, alter the terms of recovery, and then observe the financing demands generated by the resulting structure. 

The 27.03% lending growth’s mechanism is the Averch-Johnson effect: When allowable returns are tied to a regulated capital base, firms can have an incentive to expand that base beyond what an unregulated profit-maximizing firm would choose. 

The bank finances the enlargement. The regulator helps determine the returns. 

Bluntly, the Averch-Johnson effect needs no ideology:  the regulator's formula pays you to borrow. 

Now consider financials. 

Financial-sector lending accelerated from 5.36% to 9.04%. Essentially, financials are the BSP relief regime finding its own counterparty. The system lends to the system, providing liquidity and bridge financing within the very structure the interventions are intended to stabilize. Credit circulates; the question is how much new productive activity it creates and how much of the existing financial structure it keeps afloat. 

Then comes trade. 

Trade is where the money illusion becomes relevant. Retailers see nominal sales growth against Q2 inflation of 6.5%, interpret the plus signs as stronger demand, and borrow to replenish inventories. But nominal turnover is not real volume, and rising sales values do not necessarily mean consumers are buying more goods. 

The goods arrive. The inventory has to move. 

Yet consumer-credit growth is decelerating. Household purchasing power is under pressure. If inventories were accumulated on the assumption that nominal sales growth represented stronger real demand, retailers could find themselves financing goods that turn over more slowly than expected. 

That is how a credit expansion becomes an inventory problem, then a cash-flow problem, and eventually a delinquency problem. It is a causal sequence to test, not an automatic consequence of the lending figures. 

The employment data add another contradiction. 

Trade employment increased by 227,000 in August even as trade lending growth reached 10.52%. Construction employment rose by 389,500, while construction lending contracted 11.73% year-on-year. (Figure 1, lowest graph) 

Employment, credit, and output need not move together in the short run. But when lending expands rapidly without a corresponding improvement in real activity—or contracts while employment rises—we need to look beneath the headline indicators to understand what is financing production, what is sustaining existing operations, and where adjustment may be accumulating. 

Record lending is not record value-added. 

Our Part 14 already documented the broader disconnect: Q2 GDP growth of 2.3%, first-half growth of 2.6%, a 13.9% contraction in construction, and a 9.2% decline in gross capital formation. Universal and commercial (U/KB) bank credit grew 10.3% against an economy expanding at roughly 2%. 

The difference was not productive expansion. Credit was financing refinancing, liquidity support, and the cost of keeping an intervention-distorted structure viable. 

Credit expanding while investment contracts is not a boom. It is a financial system extending claims while the real economy's capacity to generate returns deteriorates. The lending figures celebrate expansion; the underlying economic signals reveal its failure to translate into productive growth. 

III. The Unseen: Financial Wile E. Coyote Keeps Running 

Chased by the Road Runner, Wile E. Coyote runs off a cliff and hangs in midair. Everything appears fine until he looks down and realizes there is no ground beneath him. 

The gross NPL ratio is that coyote. 

Figure 2 

It is a fraction: nonperforming loans over total loans. While the denominator sprints, the ratio can remain perfectly composed, even as the numerator climbs. The trick is not that bad loans disappear. It is that the loan book grows faster than they do. 

August's gross NPL ratio held at 3.35%, unchanged from July. Look beneath the calm. 

Gross NPLs reached Php 596 billion, up 8.4% year-on-year and the second-highest level on record, just below May's Php 601 billion. Meanwhile, the total loan portfolio hit a record Php 17.783 trillion, expanding 13.21%—all under relief measures. (Figure 2, topmost window) 

The denominator is running faster than the numerator. 

Then the other financial coyotes. 

• Allowances for credit losses reached a record Php 555 billion, up 6.99% year-on-year and equivalent to 3.12% of loans—roughly 93% of gross NPLs. 
• Distressed assets climbed to Php 1.008 trillion, up 10.66%. (Figure 2, middle diagram) 

The reported NPL ratio looks stable because the loan book is expanding faster than the stock of recognized bad loans. That is the arithmetic. It is not evidence that underlying credit quality is improving. 

The ratio does not tell us how quickly the system is accumulating risk. It tells us how much recognized bad debt sits inside an expanding pool of loans. When the pool grows fast enough, the ratio can hold steady while the underlying burden rises. 

The coyote keeps running. The ground has not returned. 

Now go one level down, where the aggregate cannot hide the pattern. 

The consumer is already slowing 

In Q2 2026 consumer lending, loan growth decelerated across every category, while NPL growth outran loan growth in nearly all of them: (Figure 2, lowest chart) 

• Consumer loans: lending grew 14.42%, against NPL growth of 19.64%.
• Motor vehicle loans: lending grew 6.2%, while NPLs surged 16.6%. Vehicle sales slid by about 11.4% in August YTD; risibly, the weather is the alibi.
• Credit-card receivables: lending grew 25.28%, but NPLs jumped 46.53%—nearly twice as fast.
• Salary loans: NPLs grew 24.56%, even after the maturity extension under Circular 1239. 

The pattern is straightforward: recognized distress is growing faster than the underlying credit categories in which it is accumulating. Credit-card NPLs are expanding at nearly twice the pace of receivables. Motor-vehicle NPLs are rising while sales contract. Salary-loan distress continues despite extended repayment periods. 

Extending maturities can ease immediate payment pressure. It can also push the recognition of distress further down the road. The calendar changes; the obligation does not vanish. 

Real estate: the conspicuous exception 

Real-estate NPLs rose by only 2.74%, despite the known vacancy overhang. 

That is the outlier. While consumer-credit deterioration shows up clearly in the numbers, real-estate distress appears far more contained. Sustained refinancing, relief-enabled reporting, inaccurate data and delayed recognition offer possible explanations. The available figures do not establish which mechanism dominates. 

But the contrast is worth watching. A subdued NPL figure is not the same thing as a healthy underlying asset market, particularly when vacancies and refinancing needs remain part of the picture. 

The sectoral bailout 

Now return to the system-wide ratio. 

The aggregate remains stable while consumer-credit quality deteriorates and lending expands rapidly in electricity, financials, and administrative and support services. These are precisely the sectors in which regulatory arrangements, policy relief, and institutional financing needs shape the demand for credit. 

The point being: asset quality is being held up by the bailout sectors. 

The composition of lending matters because rapid expansion in one part of the loan book can dilute the reported deterioration elsewhere. Remove the denominator growth contributed by the expanding sectors, and that cushioning effect weakens—or the rot gets exposed. 

The aggregate ratio conceals the divergence: consumer distress is accelerating, while policy-sensitive sectors continue to expand the pool of outstanding credit. 

This is why record lending and a stable NPL ratio can coexist with deteriorating underlying economic conditions. The banking system can continue extending claims even as the capacity of households and businesses to service those claims comes under pressure. 

When the measurement rules move 

And the measurement institutions have been moved. 

NPL grace periods under Monetary Board Resolution 296, intragroup credit reforms, the release of previously required capital buffers (BSP Circular No. 1235, Series of 2026), and mark-to-market relief (BSP Memorandum No. 2026-027) alter the terms under which financial stress is recognized, absorbed, or reported. 

A reclassified loan is not a repaid loan. It is a loan given more time before it is called what it is. 

A maturity extension can postpone a missed payment. A reporting accommodation can change when a loan is classified as distressed. A capital-buffer release can create additional room to absorb losses. A mark-to-market waiver can defer the recognition of valuation changes. 

These measures are not identical, but they share a consequence: they can buy time between the emergence of financial pressure and its full recognition in reported indicators. 

And time changes incentives. 

When institutions are under pressure to preserve capital, maintain reported solvency, and avoid recognizing losses, the temptation to postpone bad news grows. Relief can provide breathing room for a genuine recovery. It can also prolong the appearance of stability when the underlying problem remains unresolved. 

Charles Kindleberger understood the darker side of financial distress. In Manias, Panics, and Crashes, he describes the sauve qui peut mentality—the scramble for individual survival that takes hold during crashes and panics. As institutions and individuals attempt to escape mounting losses, swindling, fraud, embezzlement, and other forms of misconduct can become part of the unraveling. 

The connection is institutional, not merely moral. When losses threaten survival and the incentives favor preserving appearances, desperation can turn deferred recognition into deliberate concealment. 

First, the numbers are softened. Then the incentives deteriorate. Eventually, someone has to absorb the loss. 

The coyote keeps running because the denominator is still growing, relief is still buying time, and the accounting has not yet forced the adjustment into view. 

But the balance sheet is accumulating the bill. 

A stable ratio is not a stable system. It may simply be a system that has not yet looked down. 

IV. Who Funds the Sovereign? Borrowed Money, Held to Maturity 

The loan book is half the balance sheet. The other half is paper. Yet another Coyote.

Figure 3 

• Net claims on the central government (NCoCG): Php 6.345 trillion, +16.6% YoY, a seventh consecutive month of double-digit growth, equivalent to roughly a fifth of bank assets. 
• Debt securities at amortized cost, formerly held-to-maturity (HTM): Php 4.493 trillion, +11.5%, a record. Growth accelerated from 3.17% in March to 11.5% in August. (Figure 3, topmost image) 
• Available-for-sale (AFS) securities: growth of 14.19%, with accumulated losses of Php 145.65 billion, the third-highest on record. 

AFS shows the losses recognized in the books. HTM is an accounting choice: hold the bond to maturity, and market-price fluctuations generally do not flow through its carrying value. The price still exists; it simply does not appear in the accounts in the same way. Add a mark-to-market waiver, and more of the sovereign's repricing stays outside reported valuations. 

When a bank's loan portfolio grows 13% while deposits rise 9.44%, the funding gap has to come from somewhere. It came increasingly from borrowing: 

• Bills and bonds payable: Php 2.312 trillion, the second-highest level, +51.84%.
• Interbank loans: Php 484 billion, +20.44%.
• Repos: Php 648 billion, +54.55%, following June's record Php 983 billion. (Figure 3, middle and lowest charts) 

Borrow short, hold long, hope the rollover keeps rolling. 

That is transitional Ponzi finance in the Minskyan sense: a position increasingly dependent on continued refinancing. Here, the position is the sovereign's own paper.

Figure 4

The cushion is thinning from the other side. Cash to deposits fell to 9.24%, tying its all-time low; liquid assets to deposits stood at 47.64%, trending downward. (Figure 4, upper window) 

But what counts as liquid? A substantial share is government paper that may have to be sold into the same market, during the same squeeze, as other holders seek liquidity. A liquid asset is one you can sell without taking a damaging loss—not merely one for which a market exists. PDS data already show the strain: September trading volume was the lowest of 2026 as yields rose. 

The fourth balance sheet: captive savings 

The Commission on Audit recently flagged Php 40 billion in SSS equity-paper losses. That is what is seen. 

Beneath the other three balance sheets sits one whose contributors cannot simply leave. SSS coverage is compulsory, the state shapes the institutional framework, and members have no direct say over individual investment decisions. Contributions reached Php 373.6 billion in 2025, up 14.8%. (Figure 4, lower SSS table)

About Php 572 billion—46% of its Php 1.254 trillion in assets—is invested in government paper. Another parallel with the banks: Php 531.8 billion in bonds, more than 80% of non-current financial assets and up 45% in 2025, sits at amortized cost. The books record carrying value, not what those bonds would fetch in the market today. 

When yields rise, bond prices fall. The carrying value need not follow. Temporary is a forecast, not an accounting category. 

The sovereign is also the borrower, so rising yields pressure government financing and the market value of SSS's bond holdings simultaneously: correlation, not diversification. 

Foreign money can exit, and the peso reflects part of that repricing. Captive savings cannot exit as freely; the consequences emerge through investment returns, fund sustainability, and the capacity to meet future pension obligations. 

The channel into stagflation runs through the paycheck. The compulsory contribution rate rose to 15% as September 2026 CPI reached 7.2%, including 9.0% for the bottom 30%. 

Take-home pay is squeezed to fund a pool that finances the sovereign. Pension disbursements rose 12.3% to Php 237.7 billion; retiree pensions are scheduled to rise 10% annually through 2027, while contribution rates remain frozen. 

In 2025, contributions exceeded benefit payments by Php 68 billion in cash. But that is an ex-post result, not proof of long-term sustainability. There was no forced selling in 2025. 

The trigger is net cash outflow that forces the sale of cost-carried bonds below carrying value. The investment portfolio carries market risk; cash flows carry demographic and economic risk. They can deteriorate together. 

The money supply: credit finds another route

Figure 5

Meanwhile, M3 grew 11.2% in August, its seventh consecutive month of double-digit growth. Deposit substitutes surged 75.9% YoY and have remained above 50% growth since March. M1 & M2 growth also accelerated from 7.4% and 9% in July to 8.6% and 9.8% in August. (Figure 5, upper diagram) 

The banks are funding the state partly by issuing their own paper. The sovereign borrows; banks acquire the claims; financial institutions expand their funding. Credit expansion feeds the sovereign-financing loop. 

This is where the Cantillon effect enters. New money does not reach everyone simultaneously. The first recipients—the sovereign and the sectors receiving the initial financing—gain purchasing power before the resulting price adjustments spread through the economy. Those further down the chain encounter the adjustment after relative prices have already moved. It is no coincidence that the oil-shock CPI surge (third wave of the cycle) has been accompanied by pandemic-era money-supply growth. September CPI hit 7.2%—returning to April 2026 high. (Figure 5, lower image) 

The sovereign gets its financing. Banks accumulate the claims. Captive savers supply funds they cannot freely redirect. Households absorb the pressure through reduced purchasing power and compulsory contributions. 

The same system that finances the sovereign transmits the cost of financing it. 

V. The Wall: Corporate Maturities Join the Queue 

The BSP has already identified the next claimant. Its Financial Stability Report (2025) p.30, warns of a sizeable maturity wall among large conglomerates: approximately Php 1.6 trillion, or 22.7% of conglomerate debt, falls due between 2027 and 2029 . US-dollar debt averages 37.6% of conglomerate debt over the next five years. Refinancing has so far relied on bonds, bank funding, and internal liquidity. The BSP's prescription: “close monitoring.” 

That warning predates the second oil shock. Since then, the peso has broken through its previous soft ceiling, reserves have fallen to a three-year low, and the 10-year BVAL yield has climbed above 8%. The wall did not move. The ground in front of it did. 

The stock market repriced the risk first. On October 15, the PSEi fell 2.2%, with index heavyweights doing the damage. Equity markets price conglomerate balance sheets daily; the maturity schedule brings the reckoning more slowly, then all at once. 

Refinancing is not repayment. It is a fresh claim on loanable funds. Banks can create nominal credit; they cannot manufacture the real savings, labor, materials, and capital goods needed to sustain every project that credit finances or it cannot mint the real savings behind it. 

The arithmetic puts the wall in perspective. The BSP's figures imply roughly Php 7 trillion in conglomerate debt. The Php 1.6 trillion due over 2027–2029 equals about 9% of today's bank loan book. Spread evenly across three years, it amounts to approximately Php 533 billion annually—about a quarter of last year's Php 2.08 trillion increase in bank loans. 

And conglomerates are not refinancing in a vacuum. 

The sovereign is borrowing, with banks' net claims on government at Php 6.345 trillion, up 16.6%, as the 10-year BVAL yield exceeds 8%. 

Utilities and other policy-supported sectors are absorbing credit: electricity lending grew 27%, while financial and administrative lending accelerated. 

Banks themselves are increasingly reliant on bills and bonds payable, interbank loans, and repos. 

Now the conglomerates arrive at the refinancing window with Php 1.6 trillion in maturities due over 2027–2029, 37.6% of their debt in dollars. 

Meanwhile, consumers face slowing loan growth, and MSMEs are already being squeezed out, as discussed in our Magna Carta installment. 

Everyone wants the same pool of savings and liquidity. Not everyone gets access on equal terms. 

Four stagflation channels follow. 

1. Crowding out. Funds are rationed by access, not by productivity. Those with sovereign standing or a conglomerate crest get financed; others face higher rates or a rejected application. Credit that rolls over old projects does not build new capacity. That is how credit can grow 13% while gross capital formation contracts 9.2%. Rolled-over debt keeps yesterday's projects from liquidating. That is not capital allocation. It is capital preservation for the already-allocated. 

2. Gearing. Roll over at 8% what was borrowed at lower coupons, and the interest burden rises even if the principal does not. Rolling over is not deleveraging; it is gearing with extra steps. These groups are simultaneously borrowers, bond issuers and, in many cases, owners of the banks that lend to them. Their exposures are not independent bets. They are tied to the same policy regime and financing conditions. 

3. Dollars. With 37.6% of conglomerate debt denominated in dollars, the maturity wall competes for foreign currency with sovereign external debt service and the oil import bill. All three draw on a reserve stock that has just fallen by $4.85 billion. A wider peso trading range does not create dollars. It reprices their scarcity. 

4. Money. If real savings cannot meet the queue, adjustment must come through some combination of higher rates, asset sales, defaults, project cancellations, or credit rationing. 

But if the political system refuses to accept that adjustment, monetary accommodation becomes the escape route. Section IV has already shown the direction: seven consecutive months of double-digit M3 growth, alongside CPI inflation of 7.2%. When financing sustains claims without expanding productive capacity, the economy gets more nominal demand competing for constrained real resources. That is how the same process can feed both sides of stagflation. 

The BSP calls it a wall. Walls are what you hit when you keep driving. The 2027 maturities begin in a few months. The 2026 data already show the system's preferred response: relief, rollover, and more of the same paper. 

VI. Whac-a-Mole: Every Fix Has a Forwarding Address 

The September–October data are not a new story. They are the old story at new addresses. 

Years of spending ahead of real savings (or the record savings-investment gap) created the underlying imbalances; emergency interventions postponed adjustment by drawing down reserves, bank capital, and fiscal room. The oil shock was the trigger, not the cause. Each fix suppresses pressure in one place, only for it to surface in the next least-controlled price.

Figure 6 

The pressure surfaces in goods, dollars, and yields because the underlying constraint is real savings. What Austrian economist Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk called the subsistence fund or real savings is the stock of goods and resources that sustains workers and projects until production yields output. Credit can create competing claims on that fund; it cannot conjure the real resources themselves. When claims outrun available resources, the adjustment surfaces in prices: consumer goods, foreign exchange, and the price of time—interest rates. 

In each case, the fix moved the problem; none removed it. The hammer shrinks with every swing: defending the peso spent reserves, the peso broke anyway, and the bond market is the next mole. A currency can be managed. A yield curve can only be managed so far. (Figure/Table 6) 

Figure 7

The rate channel shows the same blockage. The BSP cut its policy rate nine times, by a cumulative 225 basis points, from August 2024. Average bank lending rates peaked at 8.234% that month and bottomed at 7.125% in February 2026—a decline of just 110.9 bps, less than half the policy-rate reduction. By July, lending rates had climbed back to 7.883%, up 75.8 bps from the low. (Figure 7, upper graph) 

Banks price loans according to their own funding costs and risk, not simply the BSP's policy corridor. Both are being reshaped by the imbalances already discussed: wholesale funding costs are rising, with bills and bonds payable up 51.8% and repos up 54.6% (August 2026); sovereign yields near 8% raise the opportunity cost of private lending; and deteriorating asset quality requires provisions against potential losses. 

The policy rate is a nudge. The balance sheet is the answer. 

Interest is supposed to coordinate saving and investment. Here, there are two prices: the BSP's policy rate and the rate banks actually charge. The first can be cut by decree. The second must contend with funding costs, credit risk, and the government's demand for financing. 

A supply shock makes the contradiction worse. Higher rates cannot produce more rice or oil. They work through credit conditions instead, tightening financing for consumers and MSMEs while policy-supported borrowers continue to absorb credit. 

That is the asymmetry: the sectors bearing the shock face tighter constraints, while the sectors sustained by intervention retain access to financing. 

Whac-a-mole economics is the diagnosis. The bank is the mallet's table. Each strike lands on the same surface. 

VII. The Bank–Sovereign Doom Loop: Who Rescues the Rescuers? 

Name the loop plainly:

1. The sovereign runs deficits larger than revenue—Php 1.054 trillion in eight months—and needs banks to absorb its paper.
2. Banks hold that paper, fund it short, and park much of it at amortized cost. Regulatory relief can obscure market losses without eliminating them.
3. Rising yields, driven by the oil shock, peso weakness, and global bond repricing, reduce the market value of those holdings. Accounting rules determine how much of the loss is reported, not whether it occurred.
4. Capital relief and forbearance soften the immediate consequences, prolonging the system's dependence on sovereign paper.
5. The sovereign is a major asset of the banking system and cannot reprice without transmitting losses back to its creditors. The BSP is pulled toward the familiar response: suppress, subsidize, transfer, borrow.
6. A weaker peso raises the peso value of external debt—about Php 90 billion in August alone (Part 17)—widening the next deficit and returning the process to step one.

The sovereign and the banks are one balance sheet in two names. The crisis is not simply that either is weak. It is that each can be rescued only at the risk of weakening the other. 

Who rescues the rescuer? 

The last time developing-world sovereigns and their banks hit this wall, the Baker and Brady Plans offered successive responses. The Baker Plan (1985) sought to sustain debtors through structural adjustment, multilateral support, and fresh commercial-bank lending. It failed to resolve the debt overhang. The Brady Plan (1989) shifted toward debt reduction, exchanging commercial bank loans for bonds, some backed by US Treasury collateral, with IMF and World Bank support. The mechanism changed from extending credit to restructuring claims. 

Both approaches depended on coordinated creditors and access to external financing. 

This time the donors have their own queue: record public debt in the advanced economies, Fed hike bets after hot US inflation, and an AI financing trade that imploded this week (Nasdaq −4.5%, the worst week since June; the Semiconductor (SOX) index −11.4%; more than $1T off the top 20 AI and chip names). South Korea’s KOSPI plunged 14.5% this week and 18.3% over seven sessions, leaving it nearly 40% below its June 19 high. Samsung fell 17.7% this week and 43% from its June high, while SK Hynix dropped 24.3% and 57%, respectively. Japan’s Nikkei bushwhacked, plunging 5.4% (Figure 7, lowest chart) 

Bond vigilantes, investors who sell a government's bonds when they distrust its finances, are already repricing here and abroad. 

This matters to the Philippines. The same global repricing that threatens AI financing also competes with sovereign borrowing and corporate refinancing for investor capital. A sustained unwind would tighten credit, weaken collateral, and compete with sovereigns and conglomerates for a shrinking pool of risk-bearing capital. The Philippines' refinancing problem is therefore arriving as the capacity of external markets to absorb risk is itself under pressure. 

The central bank faces two broad paths: let yields, the peso, and asset valuations adjust, forcing losses into the open; or extend liquidity and relief, postponing recognition while deepening dependence on continued accommodation. The first is politically painful. The second feeds the loop. 

The system rewards the second until it breaks. 

One reserve stock, three claimants: the currency, the banks, and the sovereign. 

The textbook version is the Mundell–Fleming trilemma or the Impossible Trinity: a country cannot simultaneously maintain a managed exchange rate, free capital flows, and independent monetary policy. Something has to give. The BSP has sought to manage the peso while domestic monetary conditions lag behind inflation. The exchange rate has absorbed much of the resulting pressure. 

The structural problem is the deepening fiscal dominance. 

When the deficit path remains fixed, the central bank becomes the residual financier. Tight money today can simply mean more money creation tomorrow—the unpleasant monetarist arithmetic of Thomas Sargent and Neil Wallace. Their 1981 analysis explains how persistent fiscal financing needs can ultimately constrain monetary policy and shift the burden into future monetary expansion. 

That closes the loop. Deficits create the need for financing; banks absorb the sovereign's paper; repricing threatens bank balance sheets; relief postpones recognition; and monetary accommodation sustains the financing structure. The cost returns through the economy then the peso, yields, and prices. 

The AI trade adds an external vulnerability: the very global capital markets expected to absorb more borrowing are reassessing the returns on one of their largest investment booms. 

The sovereign borrows from the banks, the banks depend on the sovereign, and the central bank is expected to keep both standing. The rescuers are inside the loop—and the outside rescuer is busy putting out fires of its own. 

VIII. Conclusion: When the Coyote Looks Down 

The banking system has become the shock absorber for a political economy that spends beyond its real savings. Credit expands, sovereign paper accumulates, losses are deferred, and liquidity is consumed to keep the structure running. Each intervention transfers the pressure without removing its cause. 

This is the bank–sovereign doom loop: the sovereign depends on banks to finance its deficits; banks depend on the sovereign's paper to sustain their balance sheets; and the BSP is expected to keep both afloat. The same rescue that postpones adjustment deepens the system's dependence on the next rescue. 

The tipping point comes when the chain breaks—when refinancing fails, sovereign repricing forces losses into bank capital, or pressure on the peso exhausts the room for intervention. These are not independent risks. Each can trigger the others. 

The 2027–2029 corporate maturity wall adds another claimant to a financing system already stretched between the sovereign, policy-supported borrowers, and banks' own funding needs. 

The Coyote does not fall because he looks down. He falls when he realizes there is no ground beneath him. Looking down is the recognition; the fall is the adjustment that can no longer be deferred. 

The balance sheets are still running. The ground beneath them is already giving way. 

---

References: 

Stagflation Part 17: Eight Months of Twin Deficits, Record Debt, and the Bill for Deferred Adjustment, October 4, 2026 

Stagflation Part 14: Q2 GDP at 2.3% and Falling — A GDP Built on Suppression and Debt, August 9, 2026 

USD-PHP at Record Highs: The Three Philippine Fault Lines—Energy Fragility, Fiscal Bailouts, Bank Stress, December 21,2025 

The Oligarchic Bailout Everyone Missed: How the Energy Fragility Now Threatens the Philippine Peso and the Economy, December 7, 2025 

Inside the SMC–Meralco–AEV Energy Deal: Asset Transfers That Mask a Systemic Fragility Loop, November 23, 2025

 

 

Adding to the SWS Mangahas’ Critique of Trickle-Down Economics: The Philippine Banking System’s Intrinsic Bias Against SMEs

  

The man in whose power it might be to find out the means of alleviating the sufferings of the poor would have done a far greater deed than the one who contents himself solely with knowing the exact numbers of poor and wealthy people in society—Vilfredo Pareto 

In this issue

Adding to the SWS Mangahas’ Critique of Trickle-Down Economics: The Philippine Banking System’s Intrinsic Bias Against SMEs

I. The Disconnect Between Economic Data and Public Sentiment: Adding to the SWS Mangahas’ Critique of Trickle-Down Economics

II. The Trickle-down Policy: The Philippine Banking System’s Intrinsic Bias Against SMEs

III. Banks' Preference for Government Securities Crowds Out the SMEs

IV. How Trickle-Down Policies Gutted the Magna Carta for MSMEs and Stunted Philippine Capital Market Growth

V. How Trickle-Down Policies Amplify Concentration and Contagion Risks

VI. Trickle-Down Policies: How HTMs Exacerbate Balance Sheet Mismatches

VII. Rising Non-Performing Loans: Moving from the Periphery to the Core?

VIII. More Crowding Out: Banks Magnify Borrowing from Savers Focusing on Short-Term Bills

IX. More Impact of the Trickle-Down Effect on Banks: Mark-to-Market Losses

Adding to the SWS Mangahas’ Critique of Trickle-Down Economics: The Philippine Banking System’s Intrinsic Bias Against SMEs

SWS’ Dr. Mahar Mangahas recently highlighted the failure of trickle-down economics by pointing to the disconnect between government data and public sentiment. Bank data on MSME lending reinforces his position. 

I. The Disconnect Between Economic Data and Public Sentiment: Adding to the SWS Mangahas’ Critique of Trickle-Down Economics

Figure 1 

I believe in rating economic progress by listening to what the people as a whole say about their own progress, rather than by listening to the international banks, big business, politicians, the diplomatic corps, and all others who point to how the aggregate value of production is growing. Counting the number of people who have gotten better off, and comparing it with the number who have gotten worse off, is the oldest survey question in the book. It has now been surveyed 152 times at the national level: annually in 1983-85, semi-annually in 1986-91, and then quarterly since 1992. The finding of more losers than gainers in 126 of those 152 surveys—despite persistent growth in real gross national product per person, coupled with stagnation of real wages—is the clearest proof of the failure of trickle-down economics in the last four decades. (Mangahas, 2024) [Figure 1, topmost quote]

While most don’t realize it, this quote offers a striking opposition or critique of the nation’s adaptive "trickle-down" political-economic framework. Given its dissenting nature, this theme should be unpopular among the establishment.

For starters, we are skeptical of surveys because they are susceptible to manipulation, social desirability bias, or social signaling, rather than reflecting genuine (demonstrated/revealed) preferences. Interestingly, surveys form the basis of much government data.

To illustrate why the CPI is considered the MOST politicized economic data, consider the following example—from the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) (bold mine).

CPI allows individuals, businesses, and policymakers to understand inflation trends, make economic decisions, and adjust financial plans accordingly. The CPI is also used to adjust other economic series for price changes. For example, CPI components are used as deflators for most personal consumption expenditures in the calculation of the gross domestic product.  Moreover, it serves as a basis to adjust the wages in labor management contracts, as well as pensions and retirement benefits. Increases in wages through collective bargaining agreements use the CPI as one of their bases. (PSA, FAQ)

In short, the CPI is the basis where economic policymakers…make economic decisions…and adjust financial plans…calculate the GDP…adjust wages in labor-management contracts…in CBA (or minimum wages) …and influence the calculation of pensions (mainly SSS and GSIS) and retirement benefits (also other welfare programs as Philhealth, Pagibigm, etc).

And so, the lowering of the CPI (e.g., by rebasing it from 2006 to 2012 to 2018) bloats the GDP, minimizes payouts for pensions and retirements, and distorts labor-management contracts. Most of all, it helps the government access cheaper savings from the public.

Yet, the (quality-of-life) survey referenced by the author reflects public sentiment rather than a discourse on economic theories or statistics.

The crux of the matter is that public sentiment contradicts the landscape authorities aim to achieve, which is far from its desired state. 

Ironically, this occurs despite the daily onslaught or barrage of news promoting rosy concepts like achieving "upper middle-class status," a "sound" banking system, "reasonable" inflation, a jump in FDIs, and more. 

It demonstrates the blatant disconnect of political economic metrics such as per capita GNP and GDP from grassroots perceptions. 

Simply put, GDP does not equate to the economy. A 

The disparity between the government figures and sentiment reflects the inequality of economic outcomes. 

Or, as much as the CPI does not represent the inflation of the average Juan or Maria, neither does the GDP. Yet, who benefits from it? Cui bono? 

Though we opine a different perspective from the author, the question is, why should government spending be considered a cornerstone of prosperity when it diverts and limits the private sector from fulfilling its primary role of satisfying consumer needs and wants? 

Does historical (public and private) leveraging and near-record deficit spending, which redistributes income and wealth opportunities to the government and the politically connected, contribute to the goal of achieving "upper middle-class status?"   

Based on 2023 (annualized) data, to what extent can the economy sustain this level of debt buildup under the savings-investment gap paradigm? Won't the sheer burden of debt, beyond interest rates, stifle the real economy?  What if interest rates rise along with the debt burden? Debt servicing-to-GDP and debt-to-GDP have been way above the 1997-98 Asian Financial Crisis levels. (Figure 1, middle charts and lowest graph)

Is this economic paradigm pursued because it is driven by the "trickle-down" ideology, which posits that (indiscriminate) spending drives the economy, or because it favors the centralization of the economy, benefiting a few? 

Yes, the article confirms my priors, but it also suggests that there are others who, in their own ways, share similar perspectives. 

On the other hand, although the author's motivations are unclear, it is uncertain whether they are driven by a political bias. 

Still, given the harsh realities of the prevailing censorship and disinformation in the incumbent political environment, it is unlikely that "analytical independence" could persist. 

II. The Trickle-down Policy: The Philippine Banking System’s Intrinsic Bias Against SMEs

The dispersion of bank credit expansion serves as a prime example of the inefficiencies inherent in the 'trickle-down' economics. 

The government's bank lending data provides valuable insights into the reasons behind its flaws.

Businessworld, June 14, 2024: PHILIPPINE BANKS failed to meet the mandated quota for small business loans in the first quarter, data from the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) showed. Loans extended by the banking industry to micro-, small-, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) amounted to P474.922 billion as of end-March. This made up only 4.41% of their total loan portfolio of P10.77 trillion, well-below the mandated 10% quota. Under Republic Act No. 6977 or the Magna Carta for MSMEs, banks are required to allocate 10% of their total loan portfolio for small businesses. Of this, 8% of loans should be allocated for micro and small enterprises, while 2% should go to medium-sized enterprises. However, banks have long opted to incur penalties for noncompliance instead of taking on the risks associated with lending to small businesses. (bold mine)

How can the government achieve its "upper middle-class status" goal when the backbone of the economy – small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) – has diminished access to lower-priced formal credit?

Figure 2 

SMEs dominate the economy. 

As noted by the DTI in 2022: "The 2022 List of Establishments (LE) of the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) recorded a total of 1,109,684 business enterprises operating in the country. Of these, 1,105,143 (99.59%) are MSMEs and 4,541 (0.41%) are large enterprises. Micro enterprises constitute 90.49% (1,004,195) of total establishments, followed by small enterprises at 8.69% (96,464) and medium enterprises at 0.40% (4,484)." (Figure 2, topmost pane) 

SMEs also have the largest share of employment. 

Again, the DTI stated: "MSMEs generated a total of 5,607,748 jobs or 65.10% of the country’s total employment. Micro enterprises produced the biggest share (32.69%), closely followed by small enterprises (25.35%), while medium enterprises lagged behind at 7.06%. Meanwhile, large enterprises generated a total of 3,006,821 jobs or 34.90% of the country’s overall employment." (Figure 2, middle image)  

The lack of access to formal credit leads to informal or shadow lenders, such as family, friends, local money lenders, NGOs, loan sharks, or '5-6' entities, filling the void. This inefficient means of financing results in higher costs for businesses, which in turn reduces the competitiveness of SMEs compared to large firms. 

The former president initially campaigned to ban '5-6' lending, which would have further stifled SMEs. Since the policy failed to gain traction, it can be inferred an undeclared policy failure.

The uneven effects of inflation via the Cantillon Effect—that the first recipient of the new supply of money has an arbitrage opportunity of being able to spend money before prices have increased—also pose an obstacle to MSMEs.(river.com). (Figure 2, lowest diagram)

In other words, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas' (BSP) inflation targeting policy benefits large firms because they have access to new money from bank credit before prices increase, while SMEs are disadvantaged (as price takers): a reverse Robin Hood syndrome.

The lack of access to formal credit and the Cantillon Effect forge a 'protective moat' that favors large firms over SMEs.

This explains the innate inequality expressed by public sentiment.

It also weighs on the BSP’s other ambition to expand financial inclusion—a politically correct goal or a euphemism for the "war on cash."

Naturally, why would the SME universe enroll, when the formal financial system constrains their access to livelihood credit?

Figure 3

Yes, there may be improvements in many metrics of financial inclusion, but they remain distant from reaching upper middle-class levels. 

Participation rates in the banking system by the general populace remain dismal (BSP, Financial Inclusion) (Figure 3, topmost table) 

See the inequality at play? 

III. Banks' Preference for Government Securities Crowds Out the SMEs

Moreover, why would the formal financial system prefer to follow the BSP's policies rather than repricing credit higher to accommodate the higher risks associated with grassroots collections?

Repricing credit would likely raise the cost of financing government debt. Banks function as intermediaries in raising funds for the government, which represents the bulk of the bond markets. 

With a higher cost base, any institutional outlier would risk losing market share in the formal credit market. 

Intuitively, the formal financial system would rather pay the penalties associated with missing the 10% government quota than invest in a system that would reflect the higher cost of risks and transactions with SMEs. 

The spread between the average bank lending rate and the BSP's overnight repo rate (ON RRP) dropped to its lowest level in February 2023 and has barely bounced back from there. (Figure 3, middle chart) 

Therefore, there is hardly any motivation by the formal financial institutions to "go outside the box" or defy the convention. 

See how this perpetuates inequality? 

IV. How Trickle-Down Policies Gutted the Magna Carta for MSMEs and Stunted Philippine Capital Market Growth

Since banks have failed to adhere to the law and have resorted to a workaround, this translates to the fiasco of the Magna Carta legislation in its entirety. 

The restricted constellation of the formal credit system can also be found in the limited exposure to the insurance industry and capital markets. Insurance premiums signify a paltry 1.7% of the GDP. (Figure 3, lowest table) 

Figure 4 

It is barely understood that it is not the trading platform (G-stocks or other touted online alternatives) that constrains the PSE's volume, but rather the lack of savings or increases in disposable income. 

The PSE’s volume woes are equally reflected in the banking system’s cascading cash-to-deposit ratio, which eroded further last April to multi-year lows. (Figure 4, topmost chart) 

Why is this the case? 

Because the inflationary "trickle-down" policies pose a financial barrier to the general public, they also drain savings and redistribute resources to cronies and the government. 

Consequently, the paucity of penetration levels in formal institutions has also been reflected in the capital markets (fixed income and stocks). The lack of volume and breadth also characterizes the Philippine bond market, which is one of the most underdeveloped in Asia. (Figure 4, middle image) 

As previously discussed, the BSP seems misguided in thinking that the exclusion of the Philippines from the global market has been due to "foreigners don’t like us." 

Everything starts organically: rather, it’s the lack of local depth, which is a function of the failure of "trickle-down" policies. 

See how it magnifies the mechanisms of inequality? 

V. How Trickle-Down Policies Amplify Concentration and Contagion Risks

But there’s more. 

If banks have jettisoned the SMEs, then this means that they’ve been amassing intensive loan exposure on economic agents at the upper hierarchy.

As a result, this has led to an unprecedented buildup of concentration risks.  

While the mainstream views the record Total Financial Resource (TFR) and its growth positively, there is little understanding that this asset growth has primarily accrued in universal banks.

Despite April’s TFR slipping from historic March levels, it remains at an all-time high, even as the BSP’s official rates stay at a 17-year high. The rapid expansion of universal bank assets, which now constitute 78.2% of the TFR, has propelled the banking system’s aggregate share to 83.4%. Both their % shares declined in April from the unparalleled levels of March. (Figure 4, lowest graph) 

The banking system's exposure to heavily leveraged non-financial firms, such as San Miguel Corporation [PSE: SMC], is concerning. SMC's debt have reached a staggering record high of Php 1.44 trillion in Q1 2024, accounting for a significant 4.6% of the TFR in the same period.

The extent of this exposure raises questions about the potential risks to the financial system. Specifically, how much of the banking system's assets are tied up in SMC's debt? What happens within SMC will affect SMC alone? Really? 

VI. Trickle-Down Policies: How HTMs Exacerbate Balance Sheet Mismatches 

Figure 5

Banks have been funding the government through net claims on central government (NCoCG), much of which has been concentrated in Held-to-Maturity (HTM) assets. 

Once again, the BSP has acknowledged the liquidity-constraining effects of HTMs. 

The HTM component continues to be significant. Financial assets classified as HTM continued to increase in 2023. From 45.6 percent of financial assets at the beginning of 2021, its share is now nearly 58.8 percent as of November 2023 data. Taken at face value, this suggests that the banks remain defensive against potential MTM losses created by the higher market yields. Invariably, however, the threat of MTM losses can be mitigated by holding the tradable security to maturity. This though comes at the expense of liquidity. (bold original, italics mine) [BSP, FSR 2023] 

HTMs accounted for 55.56% of financial assets last April and 15.7% of the banking system’s total assets. (Figure 5, topmost chart)

Strikingly, the BSP highlighted further concerns in the 2023 Financial Stability Report (FSR), citing the US banking crisis as an example where HTMs created a false illusion of profits while significantly understating risks. 

A case to be highlighted is the phenomenon during the pandemic when the sizable allocation to HTM securities buoyed profits but had a significant impact on some banks’ liquidity during the reversal of interest rates, e.g., the case of SVB. While government securities (GS) are indeed High-Quality Liquid Assets, their liquidity can be further qualified depending on the RORO regime. A Risk-Off environment – when there are significant uncertainties and/or with sharp interest rate hikes – can freeze GS trading as banks would prefer safety. Yet, the difficulties may become too acute that they have to liquidate securities, even those classified as being held to their original maturity. There must be a way to assess the market value of the HTM assets during these periods. (italics mine) [BSP, 2023]

The extent of these maladjustments, partly revealed by balance sheet mismatches, determines the level of volatility.

Although the BSP aims to address this issue, they are hindered by the "knowledge problem," which is precisely why such imbalances exist in the first place—resulting from the policies they implement. 

Simply, if the BSP can do what it wishes to do, then markets won’t be required—a haughty pipe dream. 

VII. Rising Non-Performing Loans: Moving from the Periphery to the Core? 

Next, historic credit expansion suggests that credit delinquencies may arise due to excess exposure to unproductive debt. 

As previously noted, non-performing loans (NPLs) from credit cards and salary loans have not only increased but accelerated in Q1 2024. The relatively stable performance of motor vehicle and real estate loans has slowed down the overall growth of NPLs in consumer loans. 

The total banking sector's fixation with financing unproductive consumer spending opens a Pandora's Box of credit risks. The % shares of consumer loans and production loans are at historic opposite poles! (Figure 5, middle graph) 

Yet, problems are mounting at the periphery of the banking system. 

Net NPLs have increased significantly in government and commercial banks through April 2024. (Figure 5, lowest graph) 

One possible explanation is that government bank lending has been less prudent due to political objectives, which differs from those of the private sector. 

Notably, NPLs at commercial banks, the smallest segment, have also been increasing. Foreign banks have also seen a gradual increase in NPLs. However, there was a slight decrease in NPLs at foreign banks in April. 

A presumption here is that for these sectors to stay afloat against their largest competitors, the universal banks, commercial and foreign banks lent aggressively, and now the chicken has come home to roost. 

What happens when this reaches critical mass? 

Could this indicate signs of risks transitioning from the periphery to the core? 

VIII. More Crowding Out: Banks Magnify Borrowing from Savers Focusing on Short-Term Bills

As deposit growth has been insufficient to cover the liquidity shortfall from HTMs and NPLs, the Philippine banking system has increased its borrowings from local savers. 

Figure 6

Further signs of mounting liquidity deficiency include banks increasingly borrowing from the more expensive capital markets. (Figure 6, topmost chart) 

The focus of their financing has been on short-term securities, as evidenced by significant increases in bills payables. (Figure 6, second to the highest image)

So far, though aggregate bank borrowings have risen to near-record highs, the banking system's share of liabilities remains on the lower spectrum. 

However, increasing competition among banks, the government, and non-financial firms is likely to put upward pressure on interest rates. 

As the giants scramble for financing, this crowding out comes at the expense of SMEs. 

Do you see why the inequality persists?

IX. More Impact of the Trickle-Down Effect on Banks: Mark-to-Market Losses 

Finally, HTMs, NPLs, and the crowding out are not only the growing sources of the bank's liquidity deficits; mark-to-market losses will compound their problems as well. 

In addition to dwindling cash reserves, banks have relied on investments and the revival and acceleration of lending to bolster their assets. (Figure 6, second to the lowest chart) 

However, even when 10-year bond yields have been turned sideways, banks' mark-to-market losses have escalated. (Figure 6, lowest diagram) 

Therefore, mainstream banks are likely to conserve their resources at the expense of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). 

There you have it: a litany of reasons why the Magna Carta for MSMEs failed and the reasons behind the divergence between public sentiment and mainstream statistics. 

In essence, when it comes to the interests of the Philippine version of Wall Street versus Main Street, policymakers tend to favor rescuing big money.

The infamous fugitive Willie Sutton famously explained why he robbed banks, "Because that's where the money is."

In the local context, "trickle-down" policies manifest the stark realities of political-economic inequalities, perpetuating income disparities and social exclusion. 

____

References: 

Mahar Mangahas, Independence from GNP Inquirer.net, June 16, 2024

Philippine Statistics Authority, Frequently Asked Questions, PSA.gov.ph

River Learn, Cantillon Effect, river.com

Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, Financial Inclusion in the Philippines Dashboard As of Third Quarter 2023, bsp.gov.ph

FINANCIAL STABILITY COORDINATION COUNCIL, 2023 FINANCIAL STABILITY REPORT, December 2023, (pp. 29 and 31), bsp.gov.ph