Is the Philippines on the Brink of a 2025 Fiscal Shock?

 

You should know that credit ratings understate credit risks because they only rate the risk of the government not paying its debt. They don’t include the greater risk that the countries in debt will print money to pay their debts, thus causing holders of the bonds to suffer losses from the decreased value of the money they’re getting (rather than from the decreased quantity of money they’re getting). Said differently, for those who care about the value of their money, the risks for U.S. government debt are greater than the rating agencies are conveying—Ray Dalio

In this issue

Is the Philippines on the Brink of a 2025 Fiscal Shock?

I. A Brewing Fiscal Storm?

II. April 2025 vs April 2024: A Sharp Deterioration

III. Four-Month Performance: Weak Revenue Momentum

IV. Weak Revenue Despite Loose Conditions: A Structural Problem?

V. Budget Math: A Deficit Blowout in the Making?

VI. Economic Fragility Threatens Further Revenue Weakness

A. Manufacturing: Price Softening Amid Trump Tariff Volatility

B. External Trade: Consumer Import Growth Sharply Slows

C. Headline and Core CPI: More Evidence of Demand Weakness

D. Labor Market Deterioration, Hidden Labor Market Realities

VII. The Conundrum of "Aggregate Demand" Policies and Consumer Strain

VIII. The Looming Debt Burden: Financing a Widening Deficit

A. April Financing Activities

B. Debt Payment Dynamics

IX. All-time High April Public Debt: Currency Effects Distorts Debt Composition

X. Crowding Out Effect and Interest Rate Pressures

XI. Crowding Out Effect and Policy Paralysis: The Limits of Monetary Easing

XII. The Inevitable Path: Debt, Inflation, and Future Taxation

XIII. Conclusion: Fiscal Shock Watch 2025 

Is the Philippines on the Brink of a 2025 Fiscal Shock? 

April's budget surplus masks a deeper fiscal crisis brewing beneath record-high deficits and weakening revenue collection

I. A Brewing Fiscal Storm? 

Is the Philippines teetering on the brink of a fiscal shock?  We are about to find out after eight months of government data. 

The Bureau of the Treasury’s April 2025 cash operations report confirms our suspicion that the government is struggling to meet critical fiscal targets, which should raise concerns about economic stability. 

As noted in early May: "A hypothetical Php 200 billion surplus in April would be required to partially offset Q1’s Php 478 billion fiscal gap and keep the official trajectory on track." (Prudent Investor, May 2025) 

The Inquirer.net reported on May 28, 2025: "The national government recorded a budget surplus of P67.3 billion in April, surging by 57.51 percent or P24.6 billion from a year ago, as tax revenues posted stronger growth and spending slowed for the month. However, for the January to April period, the cumulative budget deficit surged by 78.98 percent to P411.5 billion, as public spending rose by 13.57 percent to support economic activity and the priority programs of the Marcos administration." 

Media narratives either echoed the official line on tax revenue strength or highlighted spending restraint as causes for April’s surplus. But both perspectives overlook a critical detail: April’s surplus aligns not just with the 2023 VAT filing shift to a quarterly basis (previously discussed) but—more importantly—with the "annual tax filing deadline"—a period typically associated with a revenue spike. Yet, even this failed to close the fiscal gap. 

Additionally, the record-high deficits in Q1, persisting into the first four months, have gone largely unaddressed in mainstream discussions. 

To cut to the chase: April data signals a further weakening in the revenue base—right in the face of unrelenting public expenditure, pushing the deficit to historic levels. 

Let’s delve into the details to understand the scope of this fiscal challenge. 

II. April 2025 vs April 2024: A Sharp Deterioration 

In April 2025: 

• Revenues fell 2.82%
• Tax revenues grew 7.84%
• Non-tax revenues plunged 68.08%
• Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) growth of 11.1% boosted tax revenues
• Bureau of Customs (BoC) 7.5% declined, which weighed on overall performance

Compare that to April 2024: 

• Revenues soared 21.9%
• Tax revenues surged 13.9%
• Non-tax revenues rocketed 114%
• Tax revenues were anchored by BIR's 12.65% growth and the BoC delivered a strong 19.5%.

Clearly, April 2025 showed a sharp drop in performance despite the same structural advantages related to annual filings.

Figure 1       

The nominal (peso) figures show revenue collections falling significantly short of April 2024's all-time high. (Figure 1, topmost window)

Relative to the VAT’s quarterly cycle, note that the combined January and April 2025 surpluses (Php 135.66 billion) exceeded 2024’s (Php 130.7 billion) by just 3.8%—barely moving the needle against the Q1 fiscal gap. (Figure 1, second to the highest image) 

III. Four-Month Performance: Weak Revenue Momentum 

For January to April 2025: 

• Revenues grew a meager 3.3%.
• Tax revenues rose 11.5%, while non-tax revenues collapsed 51.94%.
• The BIR and BoC posted 14.5% and 2.16% growth, respectively.

In contrast, the first four months of 2024 showed:

• Revenues up 16.8%.
• Tax revenues up 13.22%.
• Non-tax revenues up 48.81%.
• The BIR and BoC grew by 15.35% and 6.47%, respectively. 

Clearly, April 2025 didn’t just underperform—it dragged down the already fragile broader four-month revenue trend. (Figure 1, second to the lowest visual) 

IV. Weak Revenue Despite Loose Conditions: A Structural Problem? 

Critically, Q1’s collection performance coincided with the full effects of the BSP’s first easing cycle in 2024, while April began reflecting partial effects of the second phase. 

Additionally, macro conditions were supportive:

• Bank credit growth was strong.
• Labor market conditions were reported as near full employment.
• Inflation slowed.

Universal-commercial bank loans jumped 11.85% in April to a record Php 12.931 trillion. Yet, public revenues stalled. (Figure 1, lowest graph) 

In short, despite historically loose financial conditions, the government has already been experiencing collection issues—a potential symptom of diminishing returns from BSP’s easy-money regime.

This suggests that further monetary stimulus yields progressively smaller positive impacts on revenue generation or economic growth, potentially reflecting inefficiencies in credit transmission due to mounting balance sheet problems. 

Which leads us to the trillion-peso question: What happens when financial conditions tighten? 

V. Budget Math: A Deficit Blowout in the Making?

From January to April, total revenues reached Php 1.520 trillion. Annualized, that projects Php 4.561 trillion—assuming average monthly intake of Php 380.06 billion. 

Compare that to the 2025 enacted budget of Php 6.326 trillion—already a base case considering six straight years of overspending. Authorities have already disbursed Php 1.932 trillion, implying a remaining monthly average of Php 549.28 billion. 

Bluntly put: At the current pace, 2025 could register a deficit of Php 1.765 trillion—5.7% higher than 2021’s all-time high of Php 1.67 trillion!

The key difference? 2021’s deficit was a deliberate fiscal stabilizer—alongside the BSP's unprecedented monetary and regulatory measures—in response to the pandemic. 

In 2025, no downturn has yet emerged—but the deficit itself threatens to trigger one.

VI. Economic Fragility Threatens Further Revenue Weakness 

A. Manufacturing: Price Softening Amid Trump Tariff Volatility

Figure 2

Since its peak in July 2024, manufacturing loans have been decelerating. March growth was just 2%. However, PPI rose only 0.06% in April YoY—barely moving. (Figure 2, topmost pane)

Though manufacturing volume/value both rose 4.2–4.3% inApril, this likely reflected distortions from new Trump tariffs effective that month.

The S&P PMI index showed a similar spike to 53 in April but slumped to 50 in May. (Figure 2, second to the highest chart)

B. External Trade: Consumer Import Growth Sharply Slows

April imports fell 7.2%, while exports rose 7%, compressing the trade deficit by 26%. (Figure 2, second to the lowest diagram)

But consumer goods imports slumped from 25.8% in March to just 2.83% in April. (Figure 2, lowest graph)

Agri-based products—led by coconut and sugar—boosted exports.

C. Headline and Core CPI: More Evidence of Demand Weakness

Headline CPI slipped from 1.4% in April to 1.3% in May, mainly due to quasi-price controls known as Maximum Suggested Retail Prices (MSRP) on rice and pork. The government also began rolling out Php 20 rice subsidies in select areas, distributing them among targeted groups.

Figure 3

However, Core CPI (non-food and non-energy) steadied at 2.2% for a third straight month, backed by a base-forming month-over-month rate of 0.16%—marking a second consecutive month. A soft CORE CPI reflects underlying weakness in demand. (Figure 3, topmost image)

D. Labor Market Deterioration, Hidden Labor Market Realities

Labor data reveals further vulnerabilities. The unemployment rate rose from 3.9% in March to 4.1% in April, but this excludes an estimated 24 million “functionally illiterate workers” (47% of the labor force or 30% of the population aged 15 and above). Many of these workers are likely employed in the informal sector or MSMEs (67% of employment in 2023, per DTI) or are underemployed, part-time, or not in the labor force. 

The “not in the labor force” population, defined by the PSA as those not seeking work due to reasons like housekeeping or schooling or permanent disability, has risen since November 2022, potentially masking the true unemployment rate and raises questions about the true extent of labor underutilization. (Figure 3, middle chart) 

The correlation between universal-commercial bank consumer salary loans and CPI trend since 2021 highlights consumer strain, further eroding aggregate demand. (Figure 3, lowest diagram) 

VII. The Conundrum of "Aggregate Demand" Policies and Consumer Strain 

Amidst all of this, we must ask: what has happened to "aggregate demand," particularly consumer demand? If consumers have shown worsening strains at the start of Q2, its continuity bodes ill for GDP growth and could likely be expressed in potential shortfalls in tax collections. 

So how will the government attempt to keep the GDP afloat? Given their top-down bias, the mechanical recourse would be to front-load public spending, thereby heightening the risks of a fiscal deficit blowout! 

Naturally, because the government is not a wealth generator but rather a redistributor and consumer, someone has to finance that swelling deficit. That "someone" is the individuals in the wealth-generating productive private sector. 

VIII. The Looming Debt Burden: Financing a Widening Deficit

A. April Financing Activities

Figure 4 

With the first four-month deficit at a record high of Php 411.5 billion, authorities raised Php 155.61 billion in April, leading to a 190% spike in financing of Php 799.73 billion in 2025. This effectively reversed the three-year (2021-2024) decline previously hailed by mainstream experts as prudential management. (Figure 4, topmost window)

The financing surge increased BTr's cash reserves to Php 1.205 trillion (Jan-Apr), though authorities held net cash reserves of only Php 188.9 billion in April. 

April's financing was mostly acquired through domestic issuance.

B. Debt Payment Dynamics 

April debt payments soared 73.72% to Php 280.898 billion, accruing to Php 622.921 billion in the first four months of 2025. (Figure 4, middle image) 

Total debt payments remained 45.7% below 2024's record levels. However, FX payments grew 17.3%, partly offsetting the 59.64% plunge in peso payments.

The FX share of debt servicing relative to the total has been rising since 2024. (Figure 4, lowest chart) 

The lag in payment data may be due to scheduling issues or information deliberately withheld for political reasons. 

While we find the preponderance of media announcements showing how debt payment has substantially slowed this year rather amusing, logic dictates that widening deficits will lead to a critical increase in debt that will have to be serviced over time. 

IX. All-time High April Public Debt: Currency Effects Distorts Debt Composition 

April debt hit a record Php 16.753 trillion. Thanks to a strong peso, FX-denominated loans fell 2.7% or Php 142.33 billion. 

Per Bureau of Treasury (BTr): "The reduction was primarily due to the P124.74 billion decrease in the peso value of external debt owing to peso appreciation." 

However, domestic debt grew 1.85% or Php 211 billion, resulting in a net increase of 0.41% or Php 68.690 billion. 

Reality Check: Philippine foreign debt did not actually shrink. The peso simply strengthened, lowering the debt's peso equivalent. Remember, FX liabilities still have to be repaid in dollars or other foreign currencies. In short, it's a revaluation trick—a statistical façade, not a real debt decrease. 

X. Crowding Out Effect and Interest Rate Pressures

Figure 5

In any case, the widening deficit, brought about by the mismatch between accelerating public spending and weakening revenue growth, underwrites the escalation of public debt. The rise in public debt has already been outpacing the growth trend of public spending, driven by the deficit and likely by amortization requirements. (Figure 5, topmost pane)

This escalating fiscal deficit means that competition for access to the public's diminishing savings will intensify, as government requirements will likely crowd out the domestic credit needs of banks and non-private sector firms, thereby putting pressure on interest rates. For businesses, this translates to higher borrowing costs and reduced access to credit, potentially stifling private sector investment and job creation. For ordinary citizens, it could mean higher interest rates on loans for homes, cars, or personal consumption. 

As an aside, the relentless rise in debt levels is not only a manifestation of the consequences of the government-BSP's "trickle-down" policies (debt-financed "savings-investment gap," "twin deficits," and "build and they will come" malinvestments); critically, they also signify the indirect ramifications of the Philippine social democratic system. In essence, this is what you have voted for! 

XI. Crowding Out Effect and Policy Paralysis: The Limits of Monetary Easing 

So, despite authorities' earnest attempts to push down the CPI—mainly via price controls or Maximum Suggested Retail Prices (MSRP) for rice and pork—to accommodate a desired easing cycle, T-bill rates have barely budged since 2022!  (Figure 5, middle chart) 

T-bills, the most sensitive to BSP's rate cuts, have remained unresponsive to April's CPI data! 

The widening spread between market (T-bills) and the CPI suggests that, aside from the crowding-out effect, Treasury markets view the present disinflation as "transitory," or they are hardly convinced of the integrity of the government's data. 

Consider this: The punditry consensus has been clamoring for lower rates on the back of a slumping CPI, but treasury dealers for their companies continue to price Treasuries as if the CPI remains inordinately high!

In short, the crowding out has rendered the government-BSP's easing cycle ineffective: Fiscal stimulus has hit a wall due to diminishing returns!

At worst, the mounting discrepancy could translate into increasing policy risks—or a potential blowback—that could be expressed through an inflation surge or a USD/PHP spike.

As seen in banks' balance sheets, this crowding out has led to a plunge in their liquidity positions (evidenced by falling cash-to-deposits and liquid assets-to-deposits ratios).

This increasing demand for public savings also applies to foreign exchange (FX) requirements. This means that to meet the economy's foreign exchange (FX) requirements and support the BSP's "soft peg" or foreign exchange policy, a surge in external debt can be expected. 

Evidently, public savings have not been sufficient. Authorities have increasingly relied on banks to finance public requirements via net claims on the central government (NCoCG), which have been rising in tandem with public debt. These assets have been siloed via banks' held-to-maturity (HTM) assets. The all-time high in public debt has been accompanied by a near-record NCoCG in April. (Figure 5, lowest diagram)

Figure 6

It is unsurprising that trades in government securities have been booming, even as 10-year yields have been on an uptrend. (Figure 6, topmost diagram) 

This phenomenon suggests two things: potential disguised losses in banks and financial institutions, and second, that these trades have crowded out trading activities in the Philippine Stock Exchange (PSE). 

In 2020, the BSP's historic Php 2.3 trillion intervention occurred partly via its own NCoCG, which is conventionally known as "quantitative easing." Although the present economy has supposedly ‘normalized,” the BSP's NCoCG remains at 2020 levels. This can be expected to surge when public savings and banks' capacity have reached their maximum. (Figure 6, middle image) 

Without a doubt, the BSP will likely rescue the banks and the government, perhaps using the pandemic template of forcing down rates, implementing reserve requirement ratio (RRR) cuts, massive injections (directly and through bank credit expansion), and expanding relief measures—though likely with limits this time. 

We doubt if they can maintain the USD/PHP peg or if they would accommodate a limited peso devaluation. 

XII. The Inevitable Path: Debt, Inflation, and Future Taxation

With this in mind, we can expect both public debt and debt servicing to experience an accelerated rise. Public debt to GDP could hit 2003-2004 levels, while debt servicing should see an equivalent uptrend over the coming years. (Figure 6, lowest chart) 

We should not forget: rising public debt inevitably leads to higher debt servicing, which in turn necessitates more public spending. 

As noted last May 

This trend suggests a potential roadmap for 2025, with foreign borrowing likely to rise significantly. The implications are multifaceted:

-Higher debt leads to higher debt servicing—and vice versa—in a vicious self-reinforcing feedback loop. 

-Increasing portions of the budget will be diverted toward debt repayment, crowding out other government spending priorities. In this case, crowding out applies not only to the private sector, but also to public expenditures. 

-Revenue gains may yield diminishing returns as debt servicing costs continue to spiral. 

-Inflation risks will heighten, driven by domestic credit expansion, and potential peso depreciation 

-Mounting pressure to raise taxes will emerge to bridge the fiscal gap and sustain government operations. (Prudent Investor, May 2025)

Following this, after grappling with debt and inflation, the government is bound to raise taxes. 

XIII. Conclusion: Fiscal Shock Watch 2025 

Unless BSP’s easing gains real economic traction, the first four months of 2025 point to a growing likelihood of a fiscal shock. 

• Revenue collection has deteriorated.
• Economic indicators signal fragility.
• Consumers are heavily indebted and weakening.
• External pressures—Trump's tariffs, deglobalization, and the re-emergence of "bond vigilantes" (investors who sell off government bonds when they believe fiscal policies are unsustainable, thus driving up borrowing costs for the government) could tighten external liquidity and worsen domestic financial conditions. 

Unless authorities rein in spending—which would drag GDP, risking a recession—a fiscal shock could emerge as early as 2H 2025 or by 2026. 

If so, expect magnified volatility across stocks, bonds, and the USDPHP exchange rate.

___

References 

Prudent Investor Newsletter, Liquidity Under Pressure: Philippine Banks Struggle in Q1 2025 Amid a Looming Fiscal Storm, May 18, 2025 

Prudent Investor Newsletter, Philippine Fiscal Performance in Q1 2025: Record Deficit Amid Centralizing Power, May 4, 2025

 

Q1 2025 PSEi 30 Performance: Deepening Debt-Driven Gains Amid Slowing Economic Momentum

  

Bulls of 1929 like their 1990s counterparts had their eyes glued on improving profits and stock valuations.  Not a thought was given to the fact that the rising tide of money deluging the stock market came from financial leverage and not from savings-Dr. Kurt Richebacher 

In this issue:

Q1 2025 PSEi 30 Performance: Deepening Debt-Driven Gains Amid Slowing Economic Momentum

I. An Extension of 2024's Fiscal-Monetary Interplay

II. Debt-Led Growth: Fragile Foundations

III. Revenue Growth: Record Highs, Diminishing Returns

IV. Consumer Sector Strains: Retail and Real Estate Under Pressure

V. Net Income Surge: A Paradox of Profitability

VI. Sectoral Performance: Diverging Trends

VII. Top Movers: Individual Firm Highlights

VIII. A Fragile Foundation: The Risks of Fiscal and Financial Leverage

IX. Transparency and Accuracy Concerns

Q1 2025 PSEi 30 Performance: Deepening Debt-Driven Gains Amid Slowing Economic Momentum

Debt-fueled profits mask deeper signs of strain across retail, real estate, and consumer sectors—even as policy easing and fiscal expansion continue.

I. An Extension of 2024's Fiscal-Monetary Interplay 

The PSEi 30’s Q1 2025 performance is largely a continuation of the trends established throughout 2024 and the past decade. 

Fundamentally, it reflects the model of "trickle-down" economic development, underpinned by Keynesian debt-financed spending. This model is anchored primarily on the BSP’s policy of "financial repression"—or sustained easy money—combined with fiscal stabilizers. It has manifested through the persistent "twin deficits," driven by a record-high "savings-investment gap," and rests on the “build and they will come” dogma. 

Q1 2025 also marks the initial impact of the BSP’s first phase of monetary easing, with Q2 expected to reflect the effects of the second round of policy rate and reserve requirement (RRR) cuts. 

At the same time, the all-time high Q1 fiscal deficit—relative to previous first quarters—was clearly reflected in the PSEi 30’s performance. 

Nota Bene:

PSEi 30 data contains redundancies, as consolidated reporting includes both parent firms and their subsidiaries.

Chart Notes:

1A: Based on current index members; may include revisions to past data

1B: Historical comparison; includes only members present during each respective period; based on unaudited releases

 II. Debt-Led Growth: Fragile Foundations

Figure 1

In Q1 2025, non-financial debt among PSEi 30 firms surged by 7.6% to a record Php 5.87 trillion, with a net increase of Php 413 billion, marking the third-highest quarterly rise since 2020. (Figure 1, upper window)         

In context, this debt level accounted for about 17.12% of total financial resources (bank and financial assets), up from 16.92% in 2024, reflecting increased leverage in the financial system 

In addition, bills payable for the top three PSEi 30 banks soared by 117.5%, rising from Php 393 billion to Php 854 billion, a net increase of Php 461 billion, excluding bonds payable. 

This dramatic increase in the bank’s short-term borrowing likely stems from a sharp decline in the banking system’s liquidity metrics—specifically, the cash and due-from-banks-to-deposits ratio and the liquid assets-to-deposits ratio. 

III. Revenue Growth: Record Highs, Diminishing Returns 

Gross revenues for the PSEi 30 rose by 3.92% to a record Php 1.78 trillion in Q1 2025. However, the net revenue increase of Php 67 billion was the smallest in the past four years, signaling a clear deceleration in growth momentum. (Figure 1, lower image)

Figure 2

This revenue softness partly reflected disinflationary trends, as the Consumer Price Index (CPI) fell to 2.3%—marking its third consecutive quarterly decline. (Figure 2, topmost chart) 

This occurred despite the economy operating near full employment, with the average unemployment rate at 4%, all-time high Q1 fiscal deficit, and amid record levels of bank credit growth, particularly in consumer lending. (Figure 2, middle graph) 

Nonetheless, the validity of the near-full employment narrative appears questionable. Our estimates suggest that approximately 32% of the workforce remains 'functionally illiterate,' raising concerns about the accuracy of PSA labor market data. 

Yet, the paradox is telling: even with aggressive fiscal stimulus and sustained easy money policies, economic returns appear to be diminishing. 

The PSEi 30’s revenue slowdown closely mirrored real GDP growth of 5.4% in Q1 2025, reinforcing the broader downtrend. (Figure 2, lowest diagram) 

Nevertheless, the PSEi 30 revenues accounted for 27% of nominal GDP in Q1 2025, underscoring their substantial footprint in the Philippine economy. Broadening the scope of PSE-listed firms in national accounts would likely magnify this contribution—while simultaneously highlighting the risks posed by mounting economic and market concentration and the fragile underpinnings of "trickle-down" economic development. 

IV. Consumer Sector Strains: Retail and Real Estate Under Pressure

Figure 3

Consumer sector stress was evident in the performance of PSE-listed firms. While retail nominal GDP grew by 7.9% and real consumer GDP by 4.9%, Q1 2025 sales revenue growth for the six largest non-construction listed retail chains—SM Retail, Puregold, SSI Group, Robinsons Retail, Philippine Seven, and Metro Retail Group—slowed to 6.8%, down from 8% in Q4 2024. This deceleration occurred despite aggressive supply-side expansion, underscoring deteriorating growth dynamics. (Figure 3, upper pane) 

Since peaking in 2022, both statistical (GDP) and real indicators (sales) have undergone significant depreciation. Downstream real estate consumer publicly listed retail chains, Wilcon Depot (WLCON) and AllHome (HOME), continue to grapple with substantial challenges, as rising vacancies further deepen the ongoing sales recession. (Figure 3, lower image) 

For example, WLCON reported a 2% quarter-on-quarter increase in store count, but only a 1.2% increase in sales YoY—highlighting excess capacity amid softening demand.

Figure 4

The food services sector also showed signs of strain, despite posting 10.3% revenue growth in Q1 2025—outpacing both nominal and real GDP. (Figure 4, topmost visual) 

Jollibee’s domestic operations, which accounted for 80% of total group sales, led the sector with a 14% gain. 

In contrast, McDonald’s reported an 11.5% sales contraction despite its 'aggressive store expansion' strategy, which includes plans to open 65 new outlets in 2025. This disparity underscores uneven, yet broadly weakening, performance across major retail chains. (Figure 4, middle chart) 

Even electricity consumption has recently deteriorated. Meralco’s electricity consumption growth slowed to 1.5% (in GWh), diverging from historical GDP correlations. This downturn signals weakening underlying demand, despite near-full employment and record-high bank credit expansion. (Figure 4, lowest graph) 

V. Net Income Surge: A Paradox of Profitability

Figure 5

Despite revenue challenges, the PSEi 30’s net income amazingly surged by 16.02% to a record Php 290.6 billion in Q1 2025, with an absolute increase of Php 40.12 billion, the second-highest since 2020. (Figure 5, topmost diagram)

This was driven by a significant increase in net income margin, which reached 16.3%, the highest since 2020, possibly due to asset sales (e.g., SMC’s divestitures). (Figure 5, middle window)

Excluding SMC’s asset sales, PSEi 30’s net income would have stood at Php 269.3 billion—reflecting only a 7.6% increase. This equates to a net profit rise of Php 19.12 billion, rather than the reported Php 40.12 billion

The record Q1 fiscal deficit likely bolstered incomes, both directly through government contracts (e.g., infrastructure projects) and indirectly via increased consumer spending. However, this came at the cost of record public debt and systemic leverage, which reached Php 30.7 trillion. Public debt hit an all-time high of Php 16.683 trillion. (Figure 5, lowest image)

The PSEi 30’s debt-to-net income ratio revealed that Php 1.42 in net debt additions was required for every peso of profit generated. In terms of absolute gains, Php 10.3 in new debt supported each peso of profit increase, highlighting deepening debt dependency.

 

Figure 6 

Paradoxically, despite record borrowing and improved net income, net cash reserves fell to 2022 levels, raising more concerns about systemic liquidity. (Figure 6, upper chart)

VI. Sectoral Performance: Diverging Trends 

By sector:  (Figure 6, lower table) 

Debt: The industrial sector recorded the largest percentage increase at 48.9%, but holding companies led in absolute peso gains Php 165.644 billon, followed by industrials Php 151.4 billion. 

Revenues: Banks achieved the highest percentage revenue growth at 9.8%, but industrials led in nominal terms with Php 17 billion in gains. 

Net Income: Holding and property sectors posted the largest percentage increases at 31% and 7.6%, respectively, with holding firms leading in peso terms Php 33.8 billion. 

Cash: The services sector saw the largest increases in both percentage (30.9%) and peso terms (Php 56 billion). 

VII. Top Movers: Individual Firm Highlights

Figure 7

By firm: (Figure 7, upper table) 

Debt: Ayala Corp, San Miguel Corporation (SMC), and Aboitiz Equity Ventures (AEV) recorded the largest peso increases at Php 74 billion, Php 70 billion, and Php 62 billion, respectively. LT Group (LTG) showed a substantial reduction of Php 24 billion. 

Interestingly, SMC reported a reduction in total debt—from Q4 2024’s record Php 1.56 TRILLION to Php 1.511 TRILLION in Q1 2025—despite substantial capital and operating requirements. This decline coincided with a surge in income, primarily driven by Php 21 billion in energy asset sales (San Miguel Global Power Holding LNG Batangas facility). Even excluding one-off gains, core profits rose by 31% to Php 19 billion. The company also strengthened its cash position, with cash reserves increasing by Php 57 billion year-on-year. How did this happen? (Figure 7, lower graph) 

Revenue: GT Capital (GTCAP) and Meralco posted the largest revenue increases at Php 15.6 billion and Php 9 billion, while SMC recorded the largest decrease at Php 31.8 billion. 

Net Income: SMC led with a Php 34 billion increase, driven by asset sales, while JG Summit (JGS) reported the largest decline at Php 7.2 billion. 

Cash: ICTSI and SMC posted the largest cash expansions at Php 79.9 billion and Php 57.6billion, while LTG (due to debt repayment) and AEV had the largest reductions at Php 38.2 and 15.015 billion 

VIII. A Fragile Foundation: The Risks of Fiscal and Financial Leverage 

Consider the potential impact on the PSEi 30, the broader PSE, and GDP when: 

-Bond vigilantes demand fiscal prudence, pushing interest rates higher

-Heavily leveraged consumer adopt austerity measures.

-Malinvestments from "build and they will come" industries, such as over saturation in real estate (26% residential condominium and office condominium vacancy rates and 22% per Colliers Philippines), and trade sectors, could lead to rising unemployment. 

These risks, compounded by diminishing stimulus effectiveness, threaten the sustainability of PSEi 30 performance and GDP growth. 

For instance, SMC’s business model has become increasingly reliant on recycling its borrowings or asset sales, making it wholly dependent on the sustainability of cheap money to refinance its rapidly growing debt. Neo-Keynesian economist Hyman Minsky famously characterized this as 'Ponzi finance.' (Minsky,1992) 

In essence, the structural risks are real—and growing more visible in each earnings season. 

IX. Transparency and Accuracy Concerns 

As previously stated: 

"The credibility of this analysis rests on disclosures from the Philippine Stock Exchange and related official sources. However, questions persist regarding the possible underreporting of debt and the inflation of both top-line and bottom-line figures by certain firms." (Prudent Investor, May 2025) 

These concerns underscore persistent governance challenges—particularly if elite-owned firms are engaged in systematically underreporting liabilities and overstating revenues or profits. Such practices not only contribute to the distortion of market signals but also foster moral hazard, eventually eroding investor confidence and undermining regulatory integrity. 

___ 

References 

Hyman P. Minsky, The Financial Instability Hypothesis* The Jerome Levy Economics Institute of Bard College May 1992 

Prudent Investor, The PSEi 30 in 2024: Debt-Fueled Expansion Amid Fiscal and Monetary Shifts, Substack May 25, 2025

 

 

The PSEi 30 in 2024: Debt-Fueled Expansion Amid Fiscal and Monetary Shifts

  

Besides, stock prices are primarily information... they tell investors where their capital can be most fruitfully employed. The important thing is not that prices be high or low... but that they be honest—Bill Bonner 

In this issue

The PSEi 30 in 2024: Debt-Fueled Expansion Amid Fiscal and Monetary Shifts

I. Monetary Tailwinds and a Fiscal Inflection

II. PSEi 30: Debt as the Primary Growth Driver

III. Record Revenues, Yet Slowing Growth Momentum

IV. Net Income Challenges: Slow Growth and Declining Margins

V. “Cui Bono?” — Who Benefits from GDP Growth? A Symptom of Trickle-Down Economics

VI. Sectoral Performance: Debt, Revenue, and Income Trends

VII Top Movers: Individual Firm Highlights

VIII. Final Notes on Transparency and Accuracy 

The PSEi 30 in 2024: Debt-Fueled Expansion Amid Fiscal and Monetary Shifts 

What the PSEi 30 tells us about the Philippine economy’s fiscal and financial direction in 2024. 

I. Monetary Tailwinds and a Fiscal Inflection 

The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) initiated the first phase of its easing cycle in the second half of 2024, comprising three policy rate cuts alongside a reduction in the Reserve Requirement Ratio (RRR). 

This coincided with an all-time high in public spending, bolstered by a surge in non-tax revenues. As a result, the Philippine fiscal deficit marginally narrowed to Php 1.506 trillion in 2024—still the fourth largest in history. To fund this gap, public debt rose to a historic high of Php 16.05 trillion. 

Simultaneously, a steep decline in quarterly Consumer Price Index (CPI) readings during Q3 and Q4 pulled average annual inflation down from 6.0% in 2023 to 3.2% in 2024. 

These three macroeconomic developments—monetary easing, record government expenditure, and easing inflation—served as key underpinnings of GDP growth. Despite noticeable slowdowns in Q3 (5.2%) and Q4 (5.3%), relatively stronger performances in Q1 (5.9%) and Q2 (6.5%) lifted full-year GDP growth to 5.7%, edging up from 5.5% in 2023.

Against this backdrop, how did the elite composite members of the PSEi 30 perform in 2024?

This article examines their financial performance, focusing on debt, revenue, net income, and sectoral contributions, while highlighting the broader implications for the Philippine economy. 

Nota Bene:

PSEi 30 data include redundancies due to the inclusion of assets and liabilities of subsidiaries and their parent holding firms.

Chart Labels:

B 1A Recent Data: Consists of current members and includes possible data revisions from the past year.

1B Data: Reflects comparisons between previous years, consisting of members during the existing period and unaudited publications for the period.

II. PSEi 30: Debt as the Primary Growth Driver

Figure 1 

In 2024, non-financial debt surged by 8.44% to a record Php 5.767 trillion, marking the third largest annual increase since 2018. (Figure 1, topmost pane) 

This Php 449 billion net addition occurred despite elevated borrowing costs, with 10-year BVAL rates remaining high. (Figure 1, middle graph) 

Relative to the broader financial system, non-financial debt accounted for 16.92% of total financial resources (bank and financial assets), slightly above the 16.87% share in 2023. (Figure 1, lowest image) 

On top of this, the top three PSEi 30 banks reported a staggering 49.99% increase in bills payable—from Php 483.58 billion in 2023 to Php 725.30 billion in 2024. Notably, this figure excludes bond issuances. 

III. Record Revenues, Yet Slowing Growth Momentum

Figure 2

The PSEi 30 collectively posted record revenues of Php 7.22 trillion, representing a 7.91% increase or Php 529.07 billion in absolute terms. This slightly surpassed the 7.8% growth or Php 478 billion gain in 2023. (Figure 2, upper chart) 

However, in historical context, the 2024 increase ranked as the third smallest since 2018—reflecting the easing of price pressures as the CPI cooled. 

Systemic leverage—defined here as the sum of public debt and universal/commercial bank loans (excluding fixed-income instruments and FDIs)—rose by 11.1% in 2024, reaching an all-time high of Php 29.96 trillion. (Figure 2, lower chart) 

This expansion in credit, alongside continued deficit spending, substantially supported aggregate demand, thereby contributing to the PSEi 30’s revenue gains. 

Figure 3 

However, viewed from another lens, the slowing contribution of money supply relative to GDP—a key indicator of real economy liquidity—has increasingly revealed slack in both PSEi 30 performance and broader GDP growth. (Figure 3, upper image) 

The 2020 spike in this metric underscored the BSP’s historic role in backstopping the banking system during the pandemic. 

Yet it also marked a turning point in the financialization of the Philippine economy—an underlying force behind demand-side inflation and a structural driver of imbalances between financial sector gains and real-sector productivity. 

Importantly, the deceleration in revenue growth mirrored the nominal GDP trends of 2023 and 2024, highlighting the interconnectedness of corporate performance and macroeconomic trends. (Figure 3, lower visual) 

IV. Net Income Challenges: Slow Growth and Declining Margins

Figure 4

Net income across PSEi 30 firms grew at a sluggish 6.8% to a record Php 971 billion. While this represents a nominal gain of Php 80.31 billion, both the growth rate and the absolute increase were the smallest since 2021. (Figure 4, topmost image) 

Despite widespread corporate participation in government projects, historic public spending growth of 11.04% outpaced net income growth, underscoring the accumulating inefficiencies in the effectiveness of 'trickle-down' policies. (Figure 4, middle graph) 

The PSEi 30 maintained a steady net income margin of 13.44%, slightly lower than last year's 13.45% but still exceeding the 5-year average of 12.15% (2019–2024). (Figure 4, lowest chart) 

Critically, the debt-to-net income ratio revealed that Php 0.46 in debt was needed to generate every Php 1 in profit. 

More alarmingly, on a net basis, Php 7.3 in new debt was required for every Php 1 increase in profit—a record high. 

The takeaway: Deepening debt dependency to drive profits is not only artificial but also subject to diminishing returns. 

V. “Cui Bono?” — Who Benefits from GDP Growth? A Symptom of Trickle-Down Economics

Figure 5

Revenue as a share of GDP edged up to 27.3% in 2024 from 27.22% in 2023—marking the third-highest level since 2019. (Figure 5 upper window) 

The PSEi 30 accounted for more than a quarter of nominal GDP, excluding additional contributions from other publicly listed firms under elite conglomerate umbrellas. 

This substantial contribution highlights a hallmark of the government and BSP’s “trickle-down” economic development model, characterized by increased business operations through direct state spending, which disproportionately benefits politically connected corporate giants. 

Importantly, the BSP’s easy-money regime functions as an implicit subsidy, enabling elite firms to acquire cheaper credit as a protective moat against competition. 

The result: a centralization of economic gains among the elite, while MSMEs and average Filipinos—Pedro and Maria—bear the costs. 

In essence, the model privatizes profits while socializing costs, exacerbating economic inequality. 

VI. Sectoral Performance: Debt, Revenue, and Income Trends 

In 2024, sectoral performance varied significantly: (Figure 5, lower table) 

Debt: The industrial sector posted the largest percentage increase in debt at 17.33% year-on-year (YoY), but holding firms dominated in peso terms, accounting for a 67.85% share of total debt. 

Revenues: Despite rising vacancies, the property sector recorded the highest percentage revenue gain at 16.6% YoY. However, holding firms led in absolute peso increases and percentage share, contributing 45.9% of total revenue growth. 

Net Income: The services and property sectors outperformed with net income growth of 20.6% and 17.6%, respectively. Banks, however, led in peso growth and accounted for 45.6% of the net income increase. 

Cash Holdings: Non-financial firms’ cash holdings contracted by 1.91%, driven by a 14.6% and 3.35% decline in reserves in the industrial and service sectors, respectively. 

In contrast, PSEi 30 banks saw their cash holdings rise by 14.6%, despite the BSP reporting otherwise. This discrepancy raises questions over possible dual standards in bank reporting. 

VII Top Movers: Individual Firm Highlights

Figure/Table 6 

Debt: San Miguel Corporation (SMC) led all firms with a Php 155 billion increase in debt, bringing its total to a historic Php 1.560 TRILLION—comprising 35% of all non-financial PSEi 30 debt. Ayala Corporation and its energy subsidiary ACEN followed with Php 76.9 billion and Php 54 billion increases, respectively.

Revenues: San Miguel, BPI, and BDO were the top contributors in terms of revenue increases. Conversely, DMC and its subsidiary Semirara reported revenue contractions. 

Net Income: ICT, BPI, and BDO led net income growth in absolute terms, while SMC and SCC posted the largest declines. 

Cash Holdings: The largest cash increases came from SMC and ICT, while Aboitiz Equity Ventures and LTG Group reported the steepest reductions. 

VIII. Final Notes on Transparency and Accuracy 

The credibility of this analysis rests on disclosures from the Philippine Stock Exchange and related official sources. However, questions persist regarding the possible underreporting of debt and the inflation of both top-line and bottom-line figures by certain firms. 

Moreover, when authorities overlook or fail to act on instances of misreporting—especially by large, elite-aligned corporations—this raises serious governance concerns. Such inaction fosters moral hazard and risks entrenching a culture of non-transparency within the corporate sector.